Dr. Mehdi Kazmi

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Dr. Mehdi Kazmi NEUROLOGY & PSYCHIATRY
Site Director – Division of Neurology
Montefiore Wakefield and Mount Vernon Hospitals
Regional Neurological Associates

Urs MubarakSultan al-MashaikhHazrat Khwaja Nizamuddin Auliya (A.R.)On this blessed occasion, I extend my heartfelt Urs g...
09/30/2026

Urs Mubarak
Sultan al-Mashaikh
Hazrat Khwaja Nizamuddin Auliya (A.R.)

On this blessed occasion, I extend my heartfelt Urs greetings to all devotees and lovers of the friends of Allah.

His legacy of love, compassion, and service to humanity continues to inspire us. May Allah help us honor his teachings through kindness, bring our hearts closer together, and guide us to serve those in need with humility and sincerity. Ameen.

Dr. M. Mehdi Kazmi
Executive Director
Auliya Council of North America

Urs Mubarak of Ghaus-e-Pak (R.A.)Heartfelt greetings to all devotees on the blessed occasion of the Urs of Ghaus-e-Pak, ...
09/23/2026

Urs Mubarak of Ghaus-e-Pak (R.A.)

Heartfelt greetings to all devotees on the blessed occasion of the Urs of Ghaus-e-Pak, Sayyiduna Shaykh Abdul Qadir Jilani (R.A.).
May Allah Almighty grant us the ability to follow his noble teachings and radiant path of spirituality, compassion, and service to humanity.

Dr. M. Mehdi Kazmi

09/13/2026

Rais Chishti Miyan (RA) paying tribute at the shrine of Hazrat Baba Fariduddin Masood Ganj-e-Shakar (RA), accompanied by Dr. Mehdi Kazmi, President of the Auliya Council of North America.

September 16, 2018

جناب رئیس چشتی میاں رحمۃ اللہ علیہ، بارگاہِ حضرت بابا فرید الدین مسعود گنجِ شکر رحمۃ اللہ علیہ میں خراجِ عقیدت پیش کرتے ہوئے۔ ہمراہ ڈاکٹر مہدی کاظمی، صدر اولیاء کونسل آف نارتھ امریکا۔

16 ستمبر 2018ء

07/27/2026

شخصیت پرستی کی تقدسیت: قرآن مجید میں اگرچہ علمی نرگسیت جیسی جدید اصطلاح استعمال نہیں ہوئی، تاہم وہ شخصیت پرستی، ہوائے نفس، موروثی روایات اور پندارِ تقویٰ کو اُس مسند پر بٹھانے سے ہمیشہ روکتا ہے جو محض اللہ تعالیٰ کے لیے مخصوص ہے۔ان قرآنی آیات کو نامزد علما کوکافر ومشرک قرار دینے کے لیے بطور ہتھیار اِستعمال نہیں کیا جانا چاہیے۔
ان کی نوعیت اخلاقی اور تشخیصی ہے۔ یہ آیات اندھی تقلید کے اُس ہولناک رُخ کو آشکار کرتی ہیں جس میں انسانی فہم و فیصلے کے سامنے اِس طرح سر تسلیم خم کر دیا جاتاہے جوکہ اُصولی طورپر صرف رب العزت کا خاصہ ہے۔چناں چہ اللہ تعالیٰ کا ارشاد ہے:
’اُنھوں نے اپنے پادریوں اور راہبوں کو اللہ کے سوا رب بنالیا اور مسیح بن مریم کو(بھی) حالاں کہ اُنھیں صرف یہ حکم دیا گیا تھا کہ وہ ایک معبود کی عبادت کریں، اس کے سوا کوئی معبود نہیں، وہ ان کے شرک سے پاک ہے۔
( القرآن،سورۃالتوبہ :۹،الآیہ:۳۱)

ڈاکٹر مہدی کاظمی
صدر اولیا کونسل آف نارتھ امریکا

HUSAINIYAT IS ETERNALShaikh Ali Saeed SafwiAn eternal guide for humanityIt is truly a remarkable coincidence that both t...
07/27/2026

HUSAINIYAT IS ETERNAL

Shaikh Ali Saeed Safwi

An eternal guide for humanity
It is truly a remarkable coincidence that both the beginning and the end of the Islamic year are marked by two great sacrifices, and both of these months hold immense significance in Islam. The first sacrifice was promised by Khalilullah (Saiyedna Ibrahim عليه السلام) and the second was completed by Abu Abdullah, (Imam Husain ibn Ali عليه السلام). Islam teaches us that life is surrounded by sacrifices—whether it is sacrificing our family, wealth, ego, or bad habits—for the sake of Allah.
One of the darkest chapters in Islamic history is that several prophets were martyred by their own people. History repeated itself once again—not with a prophet this time, but with the beloved grandson of the Prophet ﷺ, the delight of his heart, and his very image: Imam Husain ibn Ali (عليه السلام).
Karbala was not merely a battle or a war. It was a journey to distinguish truth from falsehood and to leave behind an eternal guide for humanity on how to confront oppression, remain loyal to Allah, stay faithful to the truth, and fulfill our responsibilities toward our people even in the midst of unimaginable hardship.
When we choose to follow Allah and walk the path of Haq (Truth), we often expect that Allah will bless us with everything we desire. Sometimes He does, but more often, the path of truth is filled with trials, hardships, and obstacles. Allah says in the Qur’an:
“And We will surely test you with something of fear and hunger and a loss of wealth and lives and fruits, but give good news to the patient.”
— Qur’an 2:155
Karbala teaches us not to place our trust in people merely because they claim faith, but to recognize true faith through sincerity and steadfastness. Husainiyat teaches us patience (sabr) throughout every stage of life. More importantly, Imam Husain (عليه السلام) taught us that once we recognize the truth, we must never bow before falsehood or evil, regardless of the consequences.
سر داد نہ داد دست در دست يزيد
حقا کہ بنائے لا الٰہ است حسین
(He gave his head, but never placed his hand in Yazid’s hand ; Indeed, Husain is the very foundation of La ilaha illa Allah)
Imam Husain (عليه السلام), the leader of the youth of Paradise, did not merely sacrifice his own life and the lives of his family. He also taught us to recognize the “Kufis” of our own time and to be prepared for whatever consequences may come when standing for the truth. If your faith is sincere and your conviction is firm, you will find the strength to face every trial.
Perhaps that is why countless non-Muslim scholars, poets, and leaders have admired and quoted Imam Husain in their works. Figures such as Premchand and Mahatma Gandhi found inspiration in his sacrifice. His legacy transcends religion, nationality, and time, making him a universal role model for justice and human dignity.
Islam does not teach us to fight only against non-Muslims. Rather, it commands us to stand against every form of falsehood, oppression, and injustice, and to strive for what is right. Karbala is the greatest example of such a struggle and revolution. It teaches us never to fear tyrants or oppressors, even when we appear weak. Instead, we should remain steadfast, because ultimately we are accountable to Allah alone.
Sometimes standing against a zalim (oppressor) requires sacrificing not only your own life but even the lives of those dearest to you. This is the excellence of Islam to choose Azimah (the higher path of resolve and sacrifice) over Rukhsah (concession and ease).
Whenever we recognize the truth in our lives, we should support it and abandon falsehood. This beautiful lesson is reflected in the sacrifice of Hazrat Hurr (رضي الله عنه), who left the camp of Yazid and joined the side of Haq and Imam Husain (عليه السلام).
These teachings are not limited to the outward events of history; they are, first and foremost, lessons for our inner selves. The real battle is against the corruption within us—our ego, hatred, backbiting, lying, enmity, jealousy, and ill will toward others.
As my Master and Murshid Arif Billah Shaikh Abu Saeed says:
“Imam Husain A.S fought against evil and Yazid was ultimately disgraced. We, too, must continue to wage war against Yazid, for every human being carries a Yazid within.
The soul is like Husain, while the lower self (nafs) is like Yazid. To live in servitude to the nafs is Yazidism. The body's faculties are the army that has already fallen under the domination of Yazid—that is, the nafs. The nafs misuses this army and leads it into sin, just as Yazid misused his army in Karbala and compelled it to fight against Imam Aali Maqam.
Anger is Shimr. Desire is Ibn Ziyad. Intellect (aql) is Hurr—the one who has recognized and accepted the truth and understands that evil and disobedience ultimately lead to destruction. Yet it remains weak, overwhelmed by the assaults of Yazid's occupied army: the eyes, the ears, the tongue, the hands, and the other bodily faculties.
These three forces the nafs (Yazid), anger (Shimr), and desire (Ibn Ziyad) do not allow the intellect, represented by Hurr, to rise and prevail.”
— Arif Billah Shaikh Abu Saeed
This teaching is a profound spiritual allegory: Karbala is not only a historical event but an ongoing inner battle. Imam Husayn symbolizes the purified spirit, while Yazid represents the ego (nafs). Shimr symbolizes uncontrolled anger, Ibn Ziyad represents worldly desires, and Hurr symbolizes the conscience or intellect that has recognized the truth but struggles to overcome the domination of the ego and its forces. The believer’s lifelong jihad is to liberate the faculties from the rule of the nafs so that the spirit of Husain may triumph within.

Shaikh Ali Saeed Safawi
Khanqah e Arifia, India
Phone: +91 90051 33338
E-Mail: [email protected]

FROM MEDINA TO KARBALA AND FROM KARBALA TO 2026Taghut, Fitna, And The Crisis Of The Muslim Political ConscienceDr. M. Me...
07/27/2026

FROM MEDINA TO KARBALA AND FROM KARBALA TO 2026
Taghut, Fitna, And The Crisis Of The Muslim Political Conscience

Dr. M. Mehdi Kazmi

Karbala was not merely a battle fought on the tenth of Muharram in 61 AH. It was the moment at which the moral project of Islam was separated from the political structures that claimed to represent it. The conflict was not simply between two individuals called Husayn and Yazid. It was between two understandings of religion: the Islam of Prophethood and the religion of political domination; the deen of justice and the institutional shell that permits power to disguise itself as piety.
This essay brings together two related arguments. The first identifies Karbala as the decisive confrontation between Prophethood and monarchy, followed by the desecration of Medina and the attack upon Mecca. The second argues that the essential purpose of deen is resistance to taghut and the prevention of fitna, and that the journey of Imam Husayn from Medina through Mecca to Karbala represents the political fate of the Prophet’s message after his departure.
The events of 2026 compel us to revisit this argument. Iran became the target of a joint American and Israeli military campaign on February 28, 2026, and responded militarily while most Muslim governments chose neutrality, diplomacy, territorial self-defence, or continued dependence upon Western security arrangements.
“The comparison with Karbala is not an assertion that every contemporary event is identical to seventh-century history. It is a moral analogy. Karbala provides a criterion by which every age may judge its rulers, scholars, institutions, alliances, and silences.”
Taghut and Fitna: The Quranic Vocabulary of Political Corruption
The Quran does not present faith as passive assent. It connects belief in Allah with the rejection of taghut:
“Whoever rejects taghut and believes in Allah has grasped the firmest handhold.”
— Quran 2:256
The word taghut comes from the idea of exceeding proper limits. In the Quran, it may refer to idols, false objects of obedience, satanic authority, or powers that demand submission in defiance of God. It is used not only in Quran 2:256, but also in 4:60, 4:76, 16:36, and 39:17. Taghut is therefore not limited to a stone idol. A political system becomes taghuti when it claims the right to determine truth and falsehood solely through military, economic, or institutional power. A ruler becomes taghuti when loyalty to his authority is treated as more sacred than justice. A state becomes taghuti when it transgresses borders, destroys civilian life, seizes another nation’s sovereignty, or demands obedience through fear.
Fitna has an equally wide Quranic meaning. It can indicate trial, persecution, social upheaval, sedition, coercion, or circumstances in which people are driven away from truth. Quran 8:25 warns believers against a fitna that will not afflict only those directly responsible for wrongdoing. Once injustice is tolerated, its consequences spread through the whole society.
Fitna should not be reduced to disagreement or criticism. Indeed, authoritarian rulers frequently call every challenge to their power “fitna.” In the Quranic sense, however, systematic persecution, the manipulation of religious identity, the division of communities for political advantage, and the silencing of truth may themselves constitute fitna.
The Quran commands believers to stand firmly for justice, even when justice is against themselves, their families, or their political interests (4:135). It commands them not to allow hatred of another people to lead them away from justice (5:8). It forbids inclination toward oppressors (11:113), orders the establishment of justice and excellence (16:90), and recognizes the right to resist those who have been wrongfully expelled and persecuted (22:39–40).
These verses provide the moral foundation for understanding both the stand of Imam Husayn and the responsibilities of Muslims in the present age.
The Prophetic Project: From Mecca to Medina
The mission of Prophet Muhammad began in Mecca with a declaration of tawhid. Yet tawhid was not an abstract theological formula. To declare that there is no god except Allah was to reject every human claim to absolute authority.The idols of Mecca were religious symbols, but they were also connected to a structure of wealth, tribal privilege, inherited status, and social domination. The Prophet’s message challenged both the stone idols and the social order that depended upon them.
In Medina, the message assumed communal and political form. Faith was joined to justice, consultation, economic responsibility, protection of the vulnerable, fulfilment of agreements, and moral accountability. The Quran commanded consultation in collective affairs (42:38) and warned that wealth must not merely circulate among the rich (59:7). Mecca represented liberation from false gods. Medina represented the construction of a just community.The prophetic order was therefore founded upon two inseparable principles: No submission to taghut, and no social order built upon fitna, persecution, privilege, or oppression.
Imam Husayn’s Journey as a Reverse Map of Islamic History
The Prophet’s historical journey had moved from Mecca to Medina: from proclamation to community, from revelation to social order. Imam Husayn’s final journey moved in the opposite geographical direction: from Medina to Mecca, and from Mecca toward Karbala. This reverse journey may be read as a compressed map of what had happened to the Prophet’s legacy. Medina was the city in which the Prophet had established the Muslim community. Mecca was the sanctuary he had purified from idols. Karbala became the place where the political descendants of Qurayshi power attempted to destroy the grandson who embodied the Prophet’s moral authority. Following the death of Mu‘awiyah in 60 AH, Yazid ordered the governor of Medina to obtain the allegiance of Imam Husayn. Husayn refused and left Medina for Mecca accompanied by members of his household. He did not disappear secretly into the desert, although he had been advised to do so. He travelled along the main road and remained in Mecca for approximately four months.
Letters then arrived from Kufa inviting him to lead a community that claimed to be without a just Imam. In his response, Husayn explained that the responsibility of an

Imam was to act according to the Quran, uphold justice, proclaim truth, and dedicate himself to the cause of Allah. This statement is essential. Imam Husayn did not define leadership as possession of a throne. He defined it as fidelity to revelation and justice.He departed Mecca before the completion of Hajj and travelled toward Iraq with his family and companions. After news arrived that his representative Muslim ibn Aqil had been killed and the Kufans had abandoned their promises, Husayn permitted those travelling with him to leave. Many did so.
His small caravan was eventually intercepted and compelled to camp on the open plain of Karbala on the second of Muharram. Access to the Euphrates was later restricted. On the tenth of Muharram, Husayn, members of the Prophet’s family, and his loyal companions were killed. His surviving household was taken captive, and his head was carried first to Kufa and then to Damascus. Karbala was thus an attempted political ex*****on of the prophetic idea.
“The attempt failed at the level of history. Yazid’s forces killed Husayn’s body, but his sacrifice prevented the regime from permanently identifying monarchy with Islam. The empire won the battlefield, while Husayn preserved the moral definition of the religion.”
The Great Sacrifice
Quran 37:107 states that the son of Prophet Ibrahim was ransomed with a “great sacrifice”—dhibhin azim. The verse itself does not explicitly name Imam Husayn. Nevertheless, within Shi‘i devotional and spiritual interpretation, Karbala came to be understood as the fullest historical manifestation of the Abrahamic tradition of sacrifice.
This interpretation does not mean that Allah desired suffering for its own sake. The greatness of the sacrifice lies in its purpose: Husayn refused to preserve his body by surrendering the moral authority of the Prophet to an unjust ruler. His refusal transformed martyrdom into testimony.Karbala demonstrated that life without justice can become spiritual death, while physical death in defence of truth can become a form of everlasting life.
From Karbala to the Destruction of Medina and Mecca
The moral sequence did not end at Karbala.
In 683 CE, during Yazid’s rule, an Umayyad army commanded by Muslim ibn Uqbah defeated the people of Medina at the Battle of al-Harra. Traditional Muslim historical sources remember the battle and its aftermath as among the gravest crimes associated with Umayyad rule. The army then moved toward Mecca, where Abdullah ibn al-Zubayr had established his opposition to Yazid. During the siege, the Kaaba was damaged by fire. The siege ended only after news of Yazid’s death reached the army.The sequence is morally revealing: First, the grandson of the Prophet was killed at Karbala. Then the city of the Prophet was violated. Then the House of Allah was attacked.This was not accidental. Once the living moral authority of the Prophet’s family had been rejected, the sanctity of the Prophet’s city and the physical sanctuary of the Kaaba could no longer restrain political power. A regime that could kill Husayn could attack Medina. A regime that could attack Medina could bombard Mecca. The path from Karbala to al-Harra and Mecca demonstrates that sacred buildings cannot remain safe when the moral principles they represent have already been abandoned.

The Metaphorical Destruction of Mecca and Medina
Muslims today protect the physical structures of Mecca and Medina with extraordinary care. Yet the philosophy represented by those cities has repeatedly been violated. Mecca is metaphorically attacked whenever Muslims proclaim tawhid but submit politically to powers that claim unlimited authority. Medina is metaphorically attacked whenever governments preserve mosques while imprisoning justice, silencing consultation, concentrating wealth, persecuting minorities, or treating human dignity as subordinate to dynastic and geopolitical interests.
“The Kaaba is not honoured merely by covering it with an expensive cloth. It is honoured by rejecting the idols of power, race, wealth, empire, sectarianism, and political obedience. The Prophet’s Mosque is not honoured merely by architectural expansion. It is honoured when the justice, compassion, consultation, and human dignity taught by the Prophet are put into practice.”
In this sense, Muslim rulers and institutions have often repeated, metaphorically, what
Yazid’s army performed physically. They have maintained the outward symbols while
attacking the principles represented by those symbols. This accusation must not be directed indiscriminately at every Muslim. Countless Muslims have resisted tyranny, defended the oppressed, spoken against war, and sacrificed their lives for justice.
The indictment concerns the dominant political order of the Muslim world: monarchies, military governments, authoritarian republics, sectarian establishments, and religious institutions that frequently subordinate moral truth to the survival of the state.
Iran and the Institutional Memory of Karbala
It would be historically excessive to claim that only Iranian people preserved the memory of Imam Husayn. Iraq, Lebanon, Bahrain, Yemen, India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Africa, and Muslim communities across the world have carried the rituals, scholarship, poetry, and spirituality of Karbala. Iran’s distinctiveness lies elsewhere.
Modern Iran attempted to give the language of Karbala the form of state doctrine. Following the 1979 Revolution, resistance to taghut, opposition to foreign domination, defence of the oppressed, and remembrance of Imam Husayn became part of the political vocabulary of the Islamic Republic. This did not make every Iranian policy automatically just. No state can declare itself Husayni merely through slogans. Quran 4:135 requires justice even against oneself, and Quran 5:8 forbids injustice even toward an enemy.
A state invoking Imam Husayn must therefore also be judged by its treatment of its own citizens, minorities, political opponents, prisoners, women, neighbouring peoples, and civilian populations during war. Nevertheless, in the international order of 2026, Iran remained the major Muslim state most openly structured around resistance to American and Israeli domination. When the United States and Israel launched their February 28 attack, Iran did not surrender its political independence or accept a foreign project for changing its government. It fought back, presenting its resistance as a defence not only of Iranian sovereignty but of the wider region. (AP News)
In this limited but significant sense, Iran stood where other Muslim governments were unwilling to stand: in direct military confrontation with the two powers attacking it.
The Muslim World in 2026: Silence, Dependence, and Partial Resistance
The analogy with the silence surrounding Imam Husayn is powerful, but contemporary history must be described accurately.
No Muslim state entered the war as Iran’s military ally. There was no collective Muslim defence arrangement activated to prevent or repel the American–Israeli assault. No unified political, military, or economic front emerged from the Muslim world.
This absence recalls the central tragedy of Karbala: large populations may honour Husayn emotionally while being unwilling to accept the risks involved in standing beside the isolated victim of imperial power. Gulf states later condemned the attacks and argued before the United Nations that their sovereignty and security had been violated. Oman, while criticizing Iranian attacks, was among the few states that continued to emphasize that the escalation had begun with the American–Israeli assault. A Quranic analysis cannot overlook these facts. Resistance to aggression does not grant permission to attack civilians or disregard the sovereignty of neighbouring societies. Quran 5:8 insists that hostility must never lead to injustice. Iran’s Husayni claim is strongest when it resists aggression without transgressing against innocent people. Whenever retaliation becomes indiscriminate, the moral clarity of resistance is weakened. These countries did not fight beside Iran. But neither can they accurately be placed in the same category as states actively supporting the attack.
The Real Failure of the Muslim World
The most defensible accusation is not that every Muslim government openly joined the United States and Israel. The deeper failure is that the Muslim world possessed no independent collective system capable of preventing the war. Its military bases, weapons supplies, intelligence systems, financial networks, and diplomatic protections remained tied to external powers. Its states responded separately, each protecting its dynasty, territory, economy, airspace, or relationship with Washington. There was no common moral authority. There was no united Muslim security doctrine. There was no collective declaration that an attack upon the sovereignty of one Muslim country would be treated as a threat to the entire region. There was no coordinated economic or diplomatic deterrent strong enough to make aggression prohibitively costly. This is the modern form of the silence of Kufa and Medina—not complete verbal silence, but the absence of costly solidarity.
Many governments issued statements. Some mediated. Some refused cooperation temporarily. Some protected their own airspace. Yet no collective structure appeared that could stand between Iran and the attacking powers. The Muslim world possessed wealth, armies, media networks, religious institutions, and international organizations. What it lacked was the willingness to transform these resources into a united defence of sovereignty and justice.
Karbala as the Criterion, Not a Political Slogan
Karbala cannot belong exclusively to one nation, sect, government, or ideology. Iran does not become Husayni merely by opposing the United States. Saudi Arabia does not become Yazidi merely because it has a security relationship with Washington. A government is measured by the principles it embodies. The Karbalaic criterion asks: Does a state stand against aggression even when resistance is costly? Does it defend justice when justice contradicts its own interests? Does it protect civilians, including the civilians of its enemies? Does it permit truth to be spoken within its own borders? Does it protect the poor and vulnerable? Does it reject sectarian fitna? Does it refuse to sell its political conscience for security, wealth, weapons, or diplomatic approval?
“Imam Husayn cannot be reduced to a symbol used to sanctify a government. He is the standard by which governments must be judged.The same Quran that commands rejection of taghut commands justice toward enemies. The same Quran that permits resistance to oppression forbids transgression. The same Quran that commands believers to oppose wrongdoing commands them to examine their own wrongdoing first.”
From Ritual Mourning to Moral Action
Millions mourn Imam Husayn every year. They attend majalis, recite elegies, carry banners, distribute water, and remember the thirst of Karbala. These acts preserve a sacred memory. But memory without moral action can become another form of political silence. To mourn Husayn while supporting oppression is to stand emotionally in Karbala but politically in the army of Yazid. To praise Husayn while remaining indifferent to invaded nations, persecuted peoples, political prisoners, starving children, or the destruction of civilian life is to separate ritual from truth. To condemn taghut only when it belongs to an enemy, while excusing it when practised by one’s own ruler or state, is not Husayni ethics. The meaning of Karbala is that truth is not determined by numbers, military superiority, wealth, diplomatic recognition, or the survival of a government.
Truth may stand with seventy-two while an empire stands on the other side.
Conclusion: Who Stood in 2026?
The journey of Imam Husayn from Medina to Mecca and then to Karbala reenacted, in reverse, the fate of the Prophet’s political and moral legacy. Medina represented the just community. Mecca represented liberation from idols and submission to Allah alone. Karbala represented the attempt of monarchy to extinguish both. The later attacks upon Medina and Mecca revealed that once Husayn had been killed, even the outward sanctuaries of Islam were no longer safe from political power. In the centuries that followed, Muslim societies preserved the buildings, rituals, and vocabulary of Islam while repeatedly surrendering its moral substance to kingship, empire, colonialism, nationalism, authoritarianism, and foreign strategic dependence.
In 2026, Iran stood militarily against a joint American–Israeli attack when no other major Muslim state was prepared to enter the confrontation beside it. That fact gives Iran a distinct place in the contemporary political memory of resistance.
But Iran’s stand must not be transformed into an uncritical claim of moral perfection. The legacy of Muhammad and Husayn belongs not to ethnicity or nationality, but to justice. Iran upholds that legacy to the extent that it resists taghut without itself becoming transgressive, opposes fitna without suppressing legitimate truth, and defends sovereignty without violating innocent life.
“Likewise, the rest of the Muslim world must be judged not merely by the statements it issued, but by the political order it has created. The question of Karbala remains alive: When an empire demands submission, who refuses? When truth becomes costly, who speaks? When the oppressed stand alone, who leaves the safety of the mosque and walks into the open field?
In 61 AH, Imam Husayn answered that question with his life. In every age—including 2026—the rest of us must answer it again.”

Selected Quranic References
Quran 2:256; 3:104; 4:60, 4:76, 4:135; 5:8; 8:25; 11:113; 16:36, 16:90; 22:39–40; 37:107; 39:17–18; 42:38; and 59:7.
Selected Historical References
Al-Tabari, The History of al-Tabari, Volume XIX: The Caliphate of Yazid ibn Mu‘awiyah, translated by I.K.A. Howard; Wilferd Madelung, “Ḥosayn b. ʿAli: Life and Significance in Shi‘ism,” Encyclopaedia Iranica; Wilferd Madelung, The Succession to Muhammad; G.R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam; Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates; and Mahmoud Ayoub, Redemptive Suffering in Islam.

Dr. M. Mehdi Kazmi
Executive Director: ACNA
Phone: +1 (914) 525-1945
E-Mail: [email protected]

07/27/2026

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INTELLECTUAL DIVISIVENESS AND THE IDOLATRY OF INTERPRETATIONDr. M. Mehdi KazmiScholarly Narcissism, Sectarian Power, and...
07/27/2026

INTELLECTUAL DIVISIVENESS AND THE IDOLATRY OF INTERPRETATION

Dr. M. Mehdi Kazmi

Scholarly Narcissism, Sectarian Power, and the Manufacture of the Religious “Other”
An expanded and revised argument

The central claim: whenever a human interpretation is treated as if it were revelation itself, scholarship can become an instrument of domination rather than a path to God.

“Intellectual narcissism” is used here as a moral and sociological description, not as a clinical diagnosis. The essay examines selected Sunni polemical traditions because that is its immediate subject, while insisting that the underlying temptation is human and can arise in Sunni, Shia, Sufi, secular, academic, or political communities.

THE PROBLEM: WHEN INTERPRETATION BECOMES AN IDOL
A religious scholar may begin with a genuine act of study: reading scripture, weighing reports, comparing arguments, and attempting to guide a community. The danger begins when the scholar’s conclusion is no longer presented as a fallible human interpretation but as the final, spiritually guaranteed voice of God. At that moment, reverence for knowledge can quietly mutate into reverence for the knower. A humanly produced system acquires a sacred aura; disagreement becomes disobedience; criticism becomes impiety; and the scholar’s intellectual prestige becomes a form of power over the conscience of others.
This is the phenomenon that may be called intellectual divisive narcissism: the tendency of a learned person, school, or community to glorify its own thought, to experience its interpretation as uniquely pure, and to preserve that superiority by constructing an inferior “Other.” The term does not mean that every scholar is narcissistic or that Sunni thought is inherently divisive. It identifies a recurrent pathology within polemical religious culture: human judgment is absolutized, the interpreter is sacralized, and group power is accumulated through exclusion.
The contradiction is profound. Islam came to liberate the human being from servitude to created powers, yet religious institutions can recreate servitude by placing a class of interpreters between the believer and God. The language remains Islamic, but the structure becomes idolatrous: obedience is transferred from God to a human authority whose decisions are treated as immune from moral and rational scrutiny.
2. THE ARCHITECTURE OF INTELLECTUAL OTHERING
The manufacture of the religious Other usually follows a recognizable sequence. It is not merely an unfortunate by-product of disagreement; it can become the mechanism by which a school consolidates identity, loyalty, and authority.
1. A scholar or school develops an interpretation and presents it as more than one legitimate reading among others.
2. The interpretation becomes fused with the identity of the group: to question the idea is to question the community itself.
3. The scholar is elevated through honorifics, lineage, visions, spiritual claims, or institutional repetition until criticism feels almost sacrilegious.
4. The rival is reduced to a label—Rafidi, Nasibi, Wahhabi, Barelvi, Deobandi, philosopher, innovator, heretic, or unbeliever—so that the person disappears behind the category.

5. Moral disgust replaces evidence. Social distance is encouraged through rules concerning prayer, marriage, food, greeting, burial, and companionship.
6. The boundary becomes self-reinforcing: loyalty is proved by condemning the Other, and hesitation itself is treated as disloyalty or disbelief.
This process rewards both leaders and followers. The leader gains authority, disciples, institutions, and control over the boundaries of belonging. The follower receives borrowed certainty, a heroic identity, and relief from the anxiety of thinking. “We possess the truth” becomes psychologically easier than “we are responsible before God for the way we seek truth.”
Modern social psychology calls one related pattern collective narcissism: an inflated belief in the greatness of one’s group combined with a conviction that outsiders fail to recognize that greatness. Such groups become unusually sensitive to insult and more willing to answer perceived disrespect with hostility. In religious settings, this tendency becomes especially potent because group pride is fused with divine approval. The ego no longer says merely, “I am right”; it says, “God has chosen us, and therefore opposition to us is opposition to God.”
3. THE QUR’ANIC WARNING AGAINST THE SACRALIZATION OF HUMAN AUTHORITY
The Qur’an does not use the modern phrase “intellectual narcissism,” but it repeatedly warns against giving human authorities, personal desire, inherited convention, or self-righteousness the place that belongs to God alone. These passages should not be weaponized to declare named scholars polytheists. Their force is ethical and diagnostic: they expose the danger of functional idolatry, in which human judgment is obeyed with a submission that properly belongs only to the Divine.
“They took their rabbis and monks as lords beside God, and also the Messiah, son of Mary, although they had been commanded to worship only one God.”
— Qur’an 9:31, rendered from the Arabic

This verse is not an attack on learning or religious leadership. It is an attack on surrendered moral agency. In the famous explanation associated with ʿAdi ibn Hatim, the “worship” of clergy consisted not in prostrating before them but in allowing them to redefine the lawful and unlawful and then obeying them unquestioningly. The warning therefore reaches every tradition: when a scholar’s decree is treated as intrinsically sacred, rather than tested against revelation, justice, reason, and conscience, religious obedience can become a disguised form of lord-making.

“Have you considered the one who takes his own desire as his god, and whom God allows to stray despite knowledge?”
— Qur’an 45:23, rendered from the Arabic

The verse explicitly joins desire and knowledge. Intellectual brilliance does not purify the ego; it can equip the ego with better weapons. A scholar may rationalize resentment, ambition, fear, or rivalry and then baptize those impulses as doctrine. Learning can become the servant of desire while preserving the appearance of piety.
“Do not declare yourselves pure; He knows best who is truly mindful of Him.”
— Qur’an 53:32, rendered from the Arabic

Sectarian systems often begin by declaring the purity of the self: our creed is uncorrupted, our chain is superior, our saints are uniquely protected, our jurists alone represent orthodoxy. The Qur’an withdraws that authority from human beings. Final moral ranking belongs to God, not to schools competing for prestige.
“Do not say to one who offers you peace, “You are not a believer.””
— Qur’an 4:94, rendered from the Arabic

The verse places a barrier before the appetite for exclusion. It instructs believers to resist the impulse to erase another person’s faith for worldly advantage. The principle is especially important when labels become connected to property, office, marriage, burial, safety, or political power. Takfir is never merely a word; historically it has often functioned as a transfer of rights from the accused to the accuser.
“Do not falsely declare, “This is lawful and this is forbidden,” inventing a lie against God.”
— Qur’an 16:116, rendered from the Arabic

To speak in God’s name is an act of immense moral danger. The scholar’s first duty is therefore not confidence but restraint. A fatwa may be necessary, but it remains a human attempt to understand divine guidance. The sentence “God has said” must never become a costume worn by the sentence “I have concluded.”
Other passages complete the picture. Qur’an 49:11–13 forbids ridicule, degrading labels, suspicion, and tribal superiority; 3:64 calls communities to a common word in which none takes another as a lord beside God; and 28:83 promises the final home to those who do not seek exaltation or corruption on earth. Together they establish a theology of intellectual humility: truth is sacred, but the human possessor of an opinion is not.
4. POLEMICAL PRECEDENTS: HOW LANGUAGE CREATES THE ENEMY
Historical texts must be read in context, and no major thinker should be reduced to a single sentence. Yet polemical sentences matter because they outlive their settings. They are memorized, quoted, institutionalized, and used to define millions of people who never participated in the original debate. The following examples illustrate a recurring rhetorical technology: an entire community is compressed into a moral defect, and the scholar’s judgment becomes a template for inherited contempt.
1 IBN TAYMIYYA AND THE ESSENTIALIZING LABEL
“The Rafidah are the most mendacious of the sects of passion.”
— Ibn Taymiyya, Minhāj al-Sunna al-Nabawiyya; translation of “al-Rāfiḍa akdhab ṭawāʾif ahl al-ahwāʾ”

The sentence does more than reject particular Shia arguments. It attributes a defining moral vice—lying—to an entire tradition. Once a community has been declared essentially mendacious, its testimony need not be heard, its evidence need not be examined, and its grievances can be dismissed in advance. The label performs the argument before the argument begins.
Ibn Taymiyya wrote in a medieval world of intense confessional rivalry and in direct rebuttal to the Shia theologian al-ʿAllama al-Hilli. That context explains the polemical form but does not neutralize its afterlife. The phrase has been repeatedly detached from its textual dispute and used as a civilizational judgment on Shias as such. This is precisely how scholarly rhetoric becomes social power: a sentence written in controversy becomes a permission structure for everyday contempt.
2 AL-GHAZALI: THE TENSION BETWEEN EXCLUSION AND RESTRAINT
“We must, therefore, reckon as unbelievers both these philosophers themselves and their followers …”
— Al-Ghazali, Tahāfut al-Falāsifa, conclusion; trans. S. A. Kamali

Al-Ghazali’s conclusion concerns three metaphysical doctrines associated with al-Farabi and Ibn Sina. The important point here is not whether his theological judgment was defensible within his system. It is the expansionary power of the category: a philosophical conclusion becomes a boundary of communal existence, and intellectual error becomes unbelief.
Yet al-Ghazali also complicates the story. In Fayṣal al-Tafriqa he warns against reckless takfir and argues for interpretive breadth. This internal tension is instructive. A scholar may be capable of both generosity and exclusion; a tradition may preserve both tendencies. The danger arises when later institutions canonize the harsh verdict and forget the caution. Polemical certainty is easier to mobilize than theological restraint.
3 SOUTH ASIAN SUNNI POLEMICS: FEAR, DESTRUCTION, AND RECURSIVE TAKFIR
The Indian Muslim intellectual tradition produced extraordinary poetry, spirituality, law, philosophy, and anticolonial thought. It also produced powerful cultures of sectarian classification. The following examples are not presented as the essence of Indian Sunnism; they show how rival Sunni formations and anti-Shia polemics repeatedly used exclusion to build authority.
“In the region where we live, the Twelver faith has become so widespread that one or two members of every family is a Shia.”
— Shah ʿAbd al-ʿAziz, Tuḥfa Ithnā ʿAshariyya, as cited by S. A. A. Rizvi

This is a classic language of demographic anxiety. The rival is not merely mistaken; it is spreading through the household. The statement constructs a threatened majority and an infiltrating minority. Elsewhere, legal discouragement of greeting, marriage, and food-sharing hardened theological disagreement into social separation. Once ordinary intimacy is portrayed as contamination, the neighbor is transformed into a civilizational danger.
“A true believer should regard the breaking of a taʿziya by force as virtuous as destroying idols.”
— Shah Ismaʿil Dihlawi, as translated and cited by Barbara D. Metcalf

Here the movement from idea to destruction is explicit. A ritual object cherished by another Muslim community is redescribed as an idol, and its physical destruction becomes a virtue. The rival’s sacred symbol is stripped of meaning and placed outside the sphere of Muslim protection. This is how othering releases destructive force: first a symbol is de-Islamized, then aggression against it is moralized.
“Whoever doubts the unbelief of the Deobandis is himself an unbeliever.”
— Ahmad Raza Khan, Fatāwā Riḍawiyya, vol. 6, p. 82; translation

This formula creates recursive takfir. It is no longer sufficient to avoid the condemned belief; one must also reproduce the scholar’s condemnation. Doubt, caution, friendship, or refusal to excommunicate becomes evidence of excommunication. Such a structure is extraordinarily effective at accumulating power because it prevents neutral ground. Every believer is forced to choose between submission to the verdict and expulsion with its targets.
The symmetry is important. Anti-Shia polemic, Deobandi-Barelvi conflict, anti-Sufi reformism, and counter-takfir by devotional schools often mirror one another. Each side condemns the other’s hero worship while creating its own protected heroes; each attacks the other’s exaggeration while exaggerating the authority of its own canon. The names differ, but the mechanism remains recognizable.
5. HOW SCHOLARSHIP BECOMES A SYSTEM OF POWER
Ideas do not become socially dominant merely because they are persuasive. They become dominant when they are attached to institutions: seminaries, pulpits, publishing houses, patronage networks, courts, political parties, charitable systems, marriage markets, burial practices, and chains of authorization. The scholar who controls the definition of orthodoxy can influence who is trusted, who may lead prayer, whose marriage is valid, whose food is eaten, whose books are burned, and whose grief is considered legitimate.
The glorification of scholarly thought therefore has material consequences. It can produce a religious economy in which access to divine legitimacy is mediated by a recognized class. Honorifics such as “Shaykh al-Islam,” “Hujjat al-Islam,” “Aʿla Hazrat,” “Quds sirruh,” or “Damat barakatuhum” are not inherently wrong. Respect, prayer, and gratitude toward teachers are natural. The problem begins when titles function as shields against evidence, when charisma replaces accountability, and when the follower fears questioning the scholar more than misrepresenting God.
The scholar’s ego then becomes the group’s ego. Criticism of the founder is experienced as humiliation of the community. The community responds by intensifying praise, suppressing ambiguity, and punishing dissent. This produces several dark social forces:
• Deindividuation: the rival is no longer a person but a specimen of a condemned category.
• Moral disengagement: harm is justified as defense of truth, honor, or purity.
• Scapegoating: social anxiety and political failure are projected onto a doctrinal minority.
• Epistemic closure: counter-evidence is dismissed because the source has already been declared corrupt.
• Purity escalation: followers compete to demonstrate loyalty through harsher denunciations.
• Authority dependence: believers lose confidence in conscience and become unable to distinguish revelation from the institution’s interpretation.
This is why intellectual narcissism is not merely vanity. When joined to religious authority, it becomes a technology of rule. It establishes who may speak, who must remain silent, and who may be excluded without guilt.
6. THE SHIA IDEAL OF THE MAʿṢŪM AND THE DANGER OF BORROWED INFALLIBILITY
The Shia doctrine of the Prophet and the Ahl al-Bayt as the Maʿṣūmīn offers a powerful moral counter-image: authority is inseparable from purity, justice, truthfulness, mercy, and freedom from ego. The tragedy of Karbala, in particular, presents sacred authority not as domination but as self-sacrifice in resistance to domination. Imam Husayn does not secure obedience by controlling institutions; he exposes the moral bankruptcy of power through fidelity and sacrifice.
Yet this doctrine should humble later scholars, not transfer infallibility to them. A jurist, preacher, sayyid, pir, or intellectual who speaks about the Maʿṣūm does not thereby become maʿṣūm. Shia communities can also fall into hero worship, clerical absolutism, inherited contempt, or the dehumanization of Sunnis. To condemn Sunni intellectual narcissism while exempting one’s own institutions would reproduce the very structure under criticism.
The genuine Shia response to divisive scholarship is therefore not a competing idolatry of interpretation. It is a discipline of proximity to the Ahl al-Bayt: the closer a scholar claims to be to them, the more that scholar should display humility, courage, justice, tenderness toward the vulnerable, and refusal to exploit religious emotion for personal or institutional power.
7. QUR’ANIC ETHICS OF INTELLECTUAL HUMILITY
A community does not overcome divisive narcissism by abandoning scholarship. It overcomes it by restoring scholarship to its proper station: a noble but fallible service beneath revelation, never a rival to revelation. The following disciplines can prevent learning from becoming domination:
1. Distinguish revelation from interpretation. A scholar should say, “This is my reading,” rather than disguising inference as the voice of God.
2. Treat takfir as an extreme boundary question, not a rhetorical weapon. School labels should never substitute for examination of a person’s actual beliefs and conduct.
3. Require scholars to represent rival positions in terms their adherents would recognize. Refuting a caricature is a form of intellectual dishonesty.
4. Make uncertainty visible. Words such as “possibly,” “in my judgment,” and “God knows best” are not weakness; they are safeguards against spiritual tyranny.
5. Judge interpretations by their ethical fruits. A doctrine that predictably produces cruelty, humiliation, and social hatred demands renewed scrutiny, even when supported by inherited authority.
6. Protect the rights and dignity of minorities before debating their theology. Justice is not a reward for doctrinal agreement.
7. Separate honor from immunity. A revered scholar may be thanked, loved, and criticized at the same time.
8. Build plural institutions in which no single school controls all credentials, pulpits, funds, and definitions of belonging.
9. Teach believers that conscience is a trust. Consultation with scholars does not cancel personal accountability before God.
10. Measure greatness by service rather than submission. The true teacher produces morally responsible human beings, not dependent admirers.
Intellectual humility does not mean relativism. One may believe that an argument is false, dangerous, or incompatible with Islam. Humility concerns the moral posture of the knower: awareness of fallibility, refusal to dehumanize, willingness to revise, and recognition that God’s judgment is not identical with one’s emotional need to prevail.
8. CONCLUSION: DO NOT TURN THE PATH TO GOD INTO A THRONE
The deepest form of intellectual shirk is not the existence of scholarship but the absolutization of scholarship: taking a humanly constructed body of thought, giving it the emotional force of revelation, and demanding that others submit to it as the price of belonging. The idol may not be made of stone. It may be made of books, titles, chains of authorization, visions, institutions, and inherited fear.
Scholars are human beings. They possess insight and blindness, courage and ambition, devotion and ego. Their learning can illuminate the world, but it can also magnify the darkness within them. When thought becomes a means of accumulating authority, it generates an Other whose inferiority confirms the scholar’s greatness. When that Other is declared impure, deceptive, heretical, or outside Islam, ordinary restraints weaken and destructive energies are released.
The answer is not anti-intellectualism. It is a more demanding intellectualism: scholarship purified by humility, historical self-awareness, justice, and love. Islam is diminished whenever a scholar’s prestige becomes more sacred than a human life, whenever a school’s victory matters more than truth, or whenever the unity of God is invoked to justify the fragmentation of God’s creation.
The task of the Muslim intellectual is not to build a throne from which to judge humanity. It is to clear a path toward God without standing in the path. Knowledge should make the scholar more conscious of limitation, more careful with the faith of others, and more resistant to the seductions of power. The light of God does not require the darkness of a manufactured enemy.

1 NOTES AND SOURCES
Qur’anic passages cited or discussed: 3:64; 4:94; 9:31; 10:59; 16:116; 28:83; 45:23; 49:11–13; 53:32. The English renderings in this essay are fresh, close translations from the Arabic prepared for this text.
1. Ibn Taymiyya. Minhāj al-Sunna al-Nabawiyya fī Naqḍ Kalām al-Shīʿa al-Qadariyya. Edited by Muḥammad Rashād Sālim. 9 vols. Riyadh: Imam Muhammad ibn Saud Islamic University, 1986. Pagination varies by edition; the quoted phrase occurs in the early general characterization of the Rāfiḍa.
2. Al-Ghazali. Tahāfut al-Falāsifa (The Incoherence of the Philosophers). Translated by Sabih Ahmad Kamali. Lahore: Pakistan Philosophical Congress, 1958. See the concluding classification of the three doctrines judged to constitute unbelief.
3. Al-Ghazali. On the Boundaries of Theological Tolerance in Islam: Abu Hamid al-Ghazali’s Fayṣal al-Tafriqa. Translated by Sherman A. Jackson. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.
4. Shah ʿAbd al-ʿAziz. Tuḥfa Ithnā ʿAshariyya. For the quoted demographic statement and discussion of his anti-Shia polemics, see S. A. A. Rizvi, Shah ʿAbd al-ʿAziz: Puritanism, Sectarian Polemics and Jihad. Canberra: Maʿrifat Publishing House, 1982, pp. 207–208.
5. Metcalf, Barbara D. Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982, p. 58. The quoted passage attributes the statement on forcibly breaking taʿziyas to Muhammad Ismaʿil (Shah Ismaʿil Dihlawi).
6. Ahmad Raza Khan. Fatāwā Riḍawiyya, vol. 6, p. 82. The English sentence in this essay is a translation of the widely cited ruling concerning doubt about the takfir of Deobandi scholars. Readers should consult a critical Urdu edition for the full legal context.
7. Golec de Zavala, Agnieszka, Aleksandra Cichocka, Roy Eidelson, and Nuwan Jayawickreme. “Collective Narcissism and Its Social Consequences.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 97, no. 6 (2009): 1074–1096.
8. Leary, Mark R. “Intellectual Humility as a Route to More Accurate Knowledge, Better Decisions, and Less Conflict.” American Journal of Health Promotion 36, no. 4 (2022): 757–760.
9. Adang, Camilla, Hassan Ansari, Maribel Fierro, and Sabine Schmidtke, eds. Accusations of Unbelief in Islam: A Diachronic Perspective on Takfīr. Leiden: Brill, 2015.

Dr. M. Mehdi Kazmi
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